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A Tortuous Trajectory: Nigerian Foreign Policy under Military Rule, 1985 â 1999

AFRREV VOL 14 (1), S/NO 57, JANUARY, 2020

African Research Review: An International

Multidisciplinary Journal, Ethiopia

AFRREV Vol. 14 (1), Serial No 57, January, 2020: 143-154

ISSN 1994-9057 (Print) ISSN 2070-0083 (Online)

DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/afrrev.v14i1.13

A Tortuous Trajectory: Nigerian Foreign Policy under Military Rule,

1985 – 1999

Osayande, Emmanuel

Department of History and Strategic Studies

Faculty of Arts

University of Lagos

Akoka, Yaba, Lagos, Nigeria

Abstract

This article critically examined the complexities that abound in Nigeria’s Foreign Policy

under the final three military administrations of Generals Ibrahim Babangida, Sani Abacha,

and Abdulsalami Abubakar, before the transition to democratic rule in 1999. It adopted a

novel approach by identifying and intricately examining a distinct pattern of contortion

evinced in Nigeria’s foreign policy during this epoch. It contended that although Nigeria’s

foreign policy had historically been somewhat knotty at varying points in time, this period in

its foreign policy and external relations was especially marked by tortuousness and a

somewhat back and forth agenda. This began in 1985 with the Babangida administration,

whose foreign policy posture initially seemed commendable, only for political debacles to

mar it. An exacerbation of this downslide in foreign policy occurred under the Abacha

regime, whereby the country obtained pariah status among the comity of nations.

Subsequently, a revitalisation occurred under General Abubakar, who deviated from what had

become the status quo, reinventing Nigeria’s external image and foreign policy position

through his ‘restoration campaign.’ More so, following David Gray’s behavioural theory of

foreign policy, this study examined how the behavioural patterns and aspirations of a

minuscule cadre of decision-makers deeply affected Nigeria’s foreign policy formulation and

implementation during the period under study. The findings of this study include national

interest, the crux of any foreign policy, sometimes misaligned with domestic realities. In this

regard, this study demonstrated how successive Nigerian governments replicated a

‘munificent’, ‘Santa Claus’ foreign policy which alienated key local developments such as

economic hardship, and contributed to the tortuousness that the country’s foreign policy

experienced during an era of military dictatorships in the late twentieth century. Through its

findings, the study concluded by proffering recommendations to improve the country’s

foreign policy, better advance her national interests– which ought to comprise the crux of her

foreign policy objectives, – and help in eschewing a recurrence of past ineptitudes and errors.

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Key Words: Foreign policy, military rule, Nigeria, behavioural theory,

Introduction

Foreign policy, albeit having no general definition, can be expressed as the formulation of,

and exertions towards implementing guidelines stipulated by a state for the maximisation of

her variegated national interests in the process of extended relations within the international

system. This aligns with Donald Nuechterlein’s viewpoint that emphasizes the importance of

national interest in its interconnectedness with foreign policy (Nuechterlein, 1976). More so,

the critique of the notion of foreign policy has been of salience in scholarly discourses across

the globe. What many agreed upon was that foreign policy is typically a reflection of the

domestic realities of a given state. This has been typically in a bid to further the national

interests of the said state in the process of interacting with other counterparts within the

international system. While this pattern has not always been ubiquitous, it has been the

common case.

In the words of a veteran foreign service official, Osuntokun (1998): “the foreign policy of

any country at any given time is intricately related to its domestic politics. In fact, one cannot

really separate foreign and domestic politics” (p. 5). This was typical of the Nigerian

experience in the period under consideration, in which the country’s foreign policy was in a

state of flux. This study critically analysed the complexities that abound in Nigeria’s foreign

policy under the nation’s final three military administrations of Generals Ibrahim Badamosi

Babangida, Sani Abacha, and Abdulsalami Abubakar, before the transition to democratic rule

in 1999. It adopted a novel approach by identifying and intricately examining a distinct

pattern of contortion evinced in the country’s foreign policy during this epoch. The study

contended that although Nigeria’s foreign policy had historically been knotty at varying

points in time, this particular period in her foreign policy and external relations was especially

marked by tortuousness and a somewhat back and forth agenda. This began in 1985 with the

Babangida administration, whose foreign policy posture initially seemed commendable, only

to have been marred by political debacles. An exacerbation of this downslide in foreign policy

occurred under the Abacha regime, whereby the country obtained pariah status among the

comity of nations. Subsequently, revitalization occurred under General Abubakar, who

deviated from what had become the status quo, re-establishing Nigeria’s external image and

foreign policy position through his ‘restoration campaign.’

More so, in accordance with David Gray’s Behavioural Theory of Foreign Policy, the study

examined how the behavioural patterns and aspirations of a small cadre of decision-makers–

as is typical with military regimes– deeply affected Nigeria’s Foreign Policy formulation and

implementation during the period under study (Gray, 1975). Through its findings, the study

concluded by proffering recommendations to improve the country’s foreign policy, better

advance her national interests– which ought to comprise the crux of her foreign policy

objectives, – and help in eschewing a recurrence of past ineptitudes and errors.

Foreign Policy and the Babangida Administration (1985-1993)

As regards Nigeria’s foreign policy, General Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida in his 1986 speech

at the Nigeria Institute of Policy and Strategic Studies declared that a new focus was required

for the nation’s foreign policy that would promote Nigeria's vital interest to the turn of the

century and beyond. The period between August 1985 and January 1987 could be regarded as

the gestation period of Babangida’s far-reaching foreign policy initiatives in Nigeria. Within

this period, several unresolved domestic and external issues inherited from the preceding

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Buhari administration (1984-1985) created the premise upon which the Babangida

administration contrived its foreign policy agenda.

One diplomatically difficult matter unresolved by the Buhari regime which the Babangida

government took ample advantage of, was the South African question on the issue of

apartheid (Onabrakpeya&Ikhuorinon, 1986).Nigeria was staunchly against the apartheid

policy in South Africa where the ruling apartheid regime discriminated against people of

colour. The aforementioned issues formed the prelude to his foreign policy initiatives from

the inception of the regime in August 1985. During his first major speech to the Nation in

August 1985, General Babangida berated the foreign policy of the preceding regime and gave

clues as to the direction of his administration’s foreign policy. He remarked that: ‘Nigeria’s

foreign policy in the last 20 months has been characterized by inconsistency and incoherence.

It has lacked the clarity to make us know where we stood on matters of international concern

to enable other countries to relate to us with seriousness. Our role as Africa’s spokesman has

diminished because we have been unable to maintain the respect of African countries.’ (“Text

of General,” 1985)

Within eight months of his administration, the regime embarked on deft diplomatic moves to

reposition itself and reclaim the country’s leadership role in Africa. In February 1986, for

instance, the General Babangida-led government reopened the borders hitherto closed in 1984

by the Buhari regime (Salami, 2014). In another development in January 1986, Babangida

made a move to normalize diplomatic relations with Britain which was strained under his

predecessor.

Accordingly, the regime’s pioneer initiative – championed by then Foreign Affairs Minister,

Prof. Bolaji Akinyemi (1985-1987) – was the Concert of the Medium Powers. The principle

behind the concert was to create a concert of medium power countries to act as a counterforce

to the ideological dominance of the then great powers in the global system. Therefore, as a

foreign policy initiative, the Concert of Medium Powers was articulated by the military

administration in 1987, for meeting the objectives of giving a new burst of creativity to

inform Nigeria’s role in the global village.Nevertheless, it became evident that the practical

success of the initiative would be called into question. A retired official of the Ministry of

External Affairs, for instance, described the Concert of Medium Powers as ‘…an unrealistic

initiative, in that its main aim went unfulfilled’ (K. Olanrewaju, personal communication,

August 12, 2016).

The Technical Aids Corps Scheme

The establishment of the Technical Aids Corps Scheme (TACS) by the Babangida

administration marked a watershed in the Nigerian foreign policy during this epoch. It equally

represented an innovative trend in the country’s drive towards the efficient institutionalization

of aid to needy sister African countries as well as Africans in the Diaspora (Salami, 2012).

The programme allowed young Nigerian professionals, particularly in such fields as medicine

and education, to be sent to work in Africa, the Caribbean and the Pacific countries (ACP) for

two years to assist the host countries in their development needs. Accordingly, TACS shared

in the general spirit of assistance as an instrument of Nigerian foreign policy since

independence.

More so, TACS served as a response to prevailing domestic and external imperatives. At the

domestic level, it responded partly to the need to cut down on monetary and material

assistance to other countries, especially in light of the economic predicaments in Nigeria

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during this period. The Babangida regime also designed it to address the problems of graduate

unemployment in Nigeria by providing highly qualified Nigerian professionals with

opportunities for gainful employment abroad.On the external front, TACS fitted well into the

context of South-South cooperation as a way for promoting African and Third World

Development. In addition, the initiative promoted the image and prestige of Nigeria

abroad.These impacts were reiterated by General Babangida, who posited that the scheme had

“elicited a positive response not only from African countries but also from countries of the

black dispersion as far away as Fiji, Guyana, and Jamaica.” Based on the scheme’s success,

Babangida then asked a rhetorical question: “What more evidence do we need that fellow

blacks do not perceive us as ugly Nigerians?” (Babangida, 1986). No wonder why a foreign

policy analyst described the scheme as “the most enduring foreign policy instrument of the

Babangida administration.” (Okunlola, O., Personal communication, July 23, 2016).

Salient Highlights on Economic Diplomacy

Interestingly, the Babangida regime introduced a novel foreign-policy thrust in the area of

economic development and foreign direct investment (FDI), anchored on ‘economic

diplomacy’. The prioritization of economic diplomacy by the Babangida regime was indeed a

deviation from orthodoxy, in that it was not akin to Nigeria’s foreign policy historic focus on

political matters. Its newfound policy objectives, such as the promotion of export trade,

foreign direct investment and increased financial assistance from friendly countries, was

reiterated by the Foreign Affairs Minister, Ike Nwachukwu, who stated that: ‘It is the

responsibility of our foreign policy apparatus to advance the course of our national economic

recovery’ (Nwachukwu, 1988; Omowunmi, 1986).This was in recognition of the economic

challenges faced by the nation during this era.

‘Peacekeeping’ in Africa

Nigeria’s resolve to assert her position in the international community did not stop with the

Concert of Medium Powers. The country also started a policy of constructive engagement in

peacemaking and peacebuilding, particularly at the regional level. The policy of constructive

engagement manifested in Nigeria’s crucial involvement in peace-making efforts between

Ivory Coast and Senegal (1986), Togo and Ghana (1987), and historic participation in UN and

OAU peacekeeping missions (Nuhu, 2014).

Beginning from the West-African sub-region, Babangida attempted to re-assert the Nigerian

leadership position through the Economic Community of West Africa States (ECOWAS)

structure. He laid this bare in 1985 to a cheering circle of ECOWAS member-states that

‘ECOWAS was ripe for rebirth’ (“Nigeria’s foreign policy,” 1986).General Babangida

granted donations and foreign aid while resorting to interpersonal diplomacy with heads of

states in West Africa. Furthermore, the regime effectively rallied support for the formation of

ECOWAS Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) in 1990, a force that spearheaded peacekeeping

operations in conflicted Liberia and Sierra Leone (Falola&Oyebade, 2010). The pivotal role

of Nigeria in the ECOMOG enterprise earned her a pride of place in West African affairs.

This was affirmed by Major-General Nwachukwu, who stated that ‘Nigeria [was] in the

vanguard of the movement to reinvigorate the Economic Community of West African States’

(Nwachukwu, 1989).

Aid and Foreign Policy in the Babangida Government

Financial assistance – also described as ‘rescue operations’ – to various countries comprised

another key facet of General Babangida’s foreign policy objectives.Recipient countries were

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inclusive of Benin Republic, Zimbabwe, Barbados, and the Bahamas, among others. As part

of the country’s cardinal objectives of the political liberation of Africa, greater emphasis was

given to economic assistance during the Babangida years. In 1986, after bombing raids

carried by the apartheid South African government’s Air Force on Zambia, Zimbabwe, and

Botswana, the Nigerian government donated some $60 million to anti-apartheid groups

between 1986 and 1988. Three years later, in 1989, the regime launched a special fund of

$1.5 million to assist the South-West African People’s Organization (SWAPO), to campaign

for independence elections in Namibia (Adegunrin, 2001). Similarly, from 1988-1990, the

Nigerian government provided several grants to the neighbouring country of Equatorial

Guinea, including a grant of $5million. Numerous other examples abound during the

Babangida years.

These enormous financial commitments, albeit being connected with the foreign policy

posture of the government, failed to have profound effects in advancing the national interests

of the Nigerian state. Suffice to say, therefore, that this was another glaring example of the

‘Santa Claus’ approach that had come to characterize Nigeria’s foreign policy since

independence – what Akinyeye (2014) delineated as ‘clothing others while naked.’ These

enormous aid packages were somewhat misplaced in lieu of the fact that Nigeria was in a

state of economic hardship during this period. The table below reveals a significant low of

Nigeria’s GDP in comparative terms with the US, and neighbouring Cameroun – who

possessed lesser resources and economic potentials:

GDP per Capita (US$)

Country

1975 1980 1985 1990 1998

Nigeria

301 314 230 258 256

United States 19,364 21,529 23,200 25,363 29,683

Cameroon

616 730 990 764 646

Note. Human Development Report 2000 (United Nations, 2000).

Accordingly, the Nigerian government could have redirected such monies to pacify the

country’s economic woes or granted them to these foreign counterparts with some clauses that

would be economically beneficial to Nigeria. Nonetheless, the country’s ‘historic altruism’

and quest to ‘lead’ the African continent seem to have accounted for this nonreciprocal

approach.

Elections Annulment, Human Rights Abuses and Foreign Consequences

Perhaps General Babangida’s foreign policy achievements would have had a complete and

enduring legacy if not for the demeaning turn of events that occurred towards the twilight of

his administration. This was notably, the annulment of the June 12, 1993, presidential

elections, human rights violations and disregard for international laws. In so doing, Babangida

truncated his own democratic transition program, incurring the resentment of the international

community, which had dire external consequences for Nigeria (Chibundu, 2004).

Retrospectively, one can argue that this marked the beginning of the misfortunes in the

country’s foreign relations that would last until the next two succeeding military

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administrations. In the words of a foreign policy expert: ‘the Babangida administration thus

became the case of a sweet story gone sour that negatively reflected on Nigeria’s foreign

relations’ (J. Bolarinwa, Personal communication, June 16, 2016).Later in 1993, Babangida

bowed to pressure and ceded power to an interim national government, led by Chief Ernest

Shonekan.

Nigeria’s Foreign Policy under General Sanni Abacha (November 1993 – June 1998)

General Sanni Abacha assumed power following the overthrow of the ephemeral and widely

perceived as illegitimate, Interim National Government (IGN) in a palace coup d’état in

November 1993.In reality, General Abacha’s regime largely operated a disarticulated foreign

policy which damaged Nigeria’s international image and resulted in some dreadful

consequences for the nation (Fawole, 1999). This lapse in foreign policy approach was

expressed by notable international relations experts. For instance, AkinjideOsuntokun, an

erstwhile diplomat and scholar, described Nigeria’s foreign policy under Abacha with the

derogatory term of ‘area boy diplomacy’ (Ajanaku, 1998). Another scholar, Kolawole (2005)

asserted that the General Abacha administration represented the ‘dark years of Nigeria’s

foreign policy as the period witnessed the squandering of all the gains since 1960’ (p. 873).

In a 1993 speech on foreign policy at the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs, General

Abacha discussed cogent Nigerian foreign policy issues. On regional security, he stated that:

Our commitment to peace and stability in Africa is demonstrated by our

going involvement in several peacekeeping operations. These include our

role in the ECOWAS Monitoring Group in Liberia, OAU Natural Military

Observer Group in Rwanda, the United Nations Verification in Angola,

United Nations Observer Mission in Somalia, and United Nations Observer

Mission in Western Sahara (Abacha, 1993, p. 6).

The same optimism was expressed in this address, as regards Nigeria’s economy, where he

proclaimed that his administration would ‘take effective measures to restore confidence in the

economy’ (p. 8).

Nevertheless, the reality reflected a different scenario, as many of his controversial

administrative actions diverged from the commitments he made, especially regarding

Nigeria’s economy and prestige among the comity of nations. These controversies were as

regards specific issues that dominated the nation’s foreign policy under General Abacha.

Regime Policies and Foreign Implications

One of such controversial issues that attracted negative foreign consequences for Nigeria was

the arrest and incarceration of Chief M.K.O. Abiola – the widely acclaimed winner of the

June 12, 1993, presidential elections, annulled by the Babangida regime. This annulment led

to a steady crisis that attracted international concern. The Abacha junta’s Caesarean

tendencies hindered a relinquishing of power despite intense pressure to do so. This inspired

drastic measures from Abiola (1994), who publicly declared himself President on June 11,

1994, stating that: ‘appeals to their honour as officers and gentlemen of the gallant Nigerian

armed forces have fallen on deaf ears’ (p. 1). Shortly after, the regime arrested Abiolaand

charged him with treason. More importantly, the regime, in variance with customary laws,

held him in detention without trial. It became evident that this administration was lacking

diplomatic intelligence, a deficiency that proved fatal to Nigeria’s foreign policy and external

interests. Indeed, the diplomatic consequences were abysmal as Nigeria’s foreign prestige

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further plunked. It was arguably from this moment that Nigeria under the Abacha regime lost

the support of other friendly nations and began the journey to pariah status. More so, the

regime’s explicit abuse and blatant disregard for international laws on human rights worsened

this situation, especially in a period when human rights had become a subject of global

concern.

Another blunder that negatively impacted Nigeria’s foreign relations during the Abacha

regime was the prosecution of numerous persons in connection with an alleged coup plot in

March 1995. The regime implicated many prominent figures in this plot, including General

Olusegun Obasanjo, Major-General Shehu Musa Yar’Adua, Dr.BekoRansome-Kuti, among

others. These individuals were arraigned before a military tribunal headed by Major-General

Patrick Aziza, who proclaimed all to be guilty. Accordingly, all the accused – save for

General Obasanjo who bagged a 25-year jail term – were sentenced to death by firing squad.

This action provoked the disbelief and condemnation of the international community who

believed the coup plot to be an imaginative tool used by the regime to silence its perceived

political enemies. In fact, soon after his release from jail some years after, Obasanjo (1998)

stressed that this façade of a coup plot was orchestrated at the behest of General Abacha and

‘…was parcelled out like wrapped presents on July 14, 1995, to some citizens of this country

who were seen as vocally too dangerous or uncompromising’ (p. 32).

The implications of this saga on Nigeria’s foreign relations were calamitous. In response to

both domestic and foreign outcry, the international community took stern action against the

Abacha regime and by extension, Nigeria. Sanctions were levied against the country, even as

condemnations trouped in from various world leaders, international organisations, and civil

society groups. For instance, TransAfrica, a United States-based lobbyist group, rallied fifty-

five prominent African Americans such as Congressmen, Mayors, activists, and the like, to

send a strongly-worded open letter to General Abacha imploring him to do restore democracy

in Nigeria. They further stressed that: ‘to do less will result in incalculable damage to Africa’s

most populous nation and the eventual global economic and political isolation of Nigeria.’

(TransAfrica, 1995).

Furthermore, another incident that negatively affected the foreign policy of the Abacha

administration was the execution of nine environmental activists from Ogoni land – a part of

the Niger Delta area of Nigeria – on 10 November 1995. Led by world-renowned poet and

scholar, Ken SaroWiwa, these activists, popularly referred to as ‘the ‘Ogoni Nine,’ had

protested the environmental pollution caused by the exploration of petroleum products by

some oil companies in the region. Instead of tackling these prevalent issues, General Abacha

opted for the opposite and labelled these activists as rebels. They were hereafter tried for a

flimsy charge and executed, despite pleas from prominent global figures (such as from Nelson

Mandela, then president of the Republic of South Africa) to the Abacha government. This

attracted severe condemnation from the international neighbourhood towards then Foreign

Minister, Chief Tom Ikimi, and the Abacha government at large. This was so much so that

Nigeria was suspended from the Commonwealth of Nations irrespective of the fact that Chief

Emeka Anyaoku, a notable Nigerian, was the organisation’s Secretary-General at the time

(“Commonwealth suspends Nigeria,” 1995). Surely, this period proved to be immensely

detrimental to Nigeria’s foreign image and prestige among the comity of nations. No wonder

a veteran official of the Commonwealth declared this ‘the ugliest moment of Nigeria’s foreign

policy’ (N. Amaka, personal communication, July 28, 2016).

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More so, another consequence manifested in the form of political and economic sanctions

levied against Nigeria by foreign governments. For instance, the United States of America

(U.S.) levied some economic sanctions against Nigeria and even revoked the visas of some of

the country’s top military officials. Notwithstanding, there were more severe economic

sanctions that the U.S. was in a position to impose on Nigeria, especially regarding crude oil

production and international trade. Despite making several threats to impose these sanctions,

the U.S. never gave them fruition owing to concern for the negative implications it will have

on her own economic interests and on the multinational oil corporations operating in Nigeria.

This explains the position of a foreign policy scholar, who submitted that: ‘the United States

and her actions to curtail the excesses of the Abacha regime was in fact, an instance of a

toothless bulldog’ (F. Agwu, personal communication, June 29, 2016). In any case, the reality

seemed to be that the U.S. may have done as much as possible within the confines of

protecting her own national interests. This had historically characterised her approach to

developments in the Third World (Lawrence, 2011).

Furthermore, Nigeria’s foreign policy under the Abacha government was so appalling that for

its duration, most countries of the world distanced themselves from the regime.Moreover, the

inability of the Abacha regime to conduct a transparent democratic exercise presented another

major issue that adversely affected the country’s foreign policy in this era. Consequently, a

United Nations fact-finding mission visited Nigeria in March 1996 to execute a first-hand

observation of the occurrences in the country and left disenchanted (“Report on UN Fact-

Finding,” 1996). The largely isolationist and pariah nature assumed by the Abacha

government, and its incapacity to reach an agreement with multilateral credit institutions –

such as the World Bank – had damaging consequences for Nigeria’s national interests.

Regional Conflict Management

One arguably positive aspect of Nigeria’s foreign policy under General Sani Abacha involved

the role the country played as regards conflict management in the West African sub-region.

This role was mainly through the ECOWAS Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) peacekeeping

operations in Liberia and Sierra Leone, of which Nigeria had hitherto established a pivotal

role in, before the advent of the Abacha regime. Nevertheless, the regime continued this

legacy and furthered Nigeria’s participation in the sub-regional efforts to bring stability to the

war-torn nations. The rationale as to why this was so has been a contentious issue in historical

scholarship. While many scholars are agreed that the traditional roles played by Nigeria in

regional security served as a cogent reason, this study further argues that the self-serving

motives of the regime may have also been at play. This is in the sense that Nigeria’s

continued involvement in ECOMOG may have been an attempt by General Abacha to garner

goodwill, support and some sort of legitimacy for his government. The testimony of a former

senior official in the Abacha regime substantiated this claim: ‘the General was not always an

isolationist; he also desired acceptance and support for his government from the international

community and at times, tried to achieve this. ECOMOG was one example. It was unfortunate

things turned out differently’ (anonymous, personal communication, July 5, 2016).

Also, these peacekeeping actions were in accordance with Nigeria’s conventional foreign

policy objective that stability was imperative for the effective economic integration of West

Africa.In all, an international relations scholar described this sub-regional role played by

Nigeria as: ‘Arguably the only case of quality foreign policy thrust exhibited by the Abacha

administration’ (A. Adeleke, personal communication, August 14, 2016).

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General Abubakar and the Revitalisation of Nigeria’s Foreign Policy (June 1998 – May

1999)

Following the sudden demise of General Sanni Abacha on June 8, 1998, the mantle of power

fell to General Abdulsalami Abubakar, whose tenure lasted till May 1999 (“Abacha dies,”

1998). Unlike his predecessor, General Abubakar had no ambitions to rule the country

continuously. Soon after assuming office, he accordingly commenced the process of

democratisation by instituting a transitional programme, much to the admiration of the global

community. The Abubakar administration thus adopted a ‘correctionist’ foreign policy. This

is in the sense that the Abubakar regime took a fresh dimension and sought to rectify the

immense damage done to Nigeria’s foreign policy and relations, by the previous regime.

More so, dissimilar to his predecessor, General Abubakar adopted a policy of continuous

dialogue with other world nations, especially the west. Initially faced with suspicion as a

result of the legacies of past military regimes, the General in due time earned goodwill from

the international community and convinced sceptics that he was indeed committed to

transitioning to democratic rule. This was exemplified in his public address, stating: ‘I wish to

stress that this administration has no desire whatsoever to succeed itself and is steadfastly

committed to an expeditious hand-over to a democratically-elected government’ (Abubakar,

1998).

In no time, General Abubakar embarked on an agenda to reassert Nigeria’s position among

the comity of nations. He stated that his regime was “on a mission to remedy the ills done to

Nigeria’s image and prestige’ (Abubakar, 1998). Accordingly, he attended a number of

international gatherings and embarked on state visits to many notable nations that would

never have welcomed his predecessor on their shores. In September 1997, for instance,

General Abubakar equally visited the United States of America to attend the 52nd session of

the United Nations in New York where he met with U.S. President, Bill Clinton.

Similarly, many other world leaders welcomed Abubakar to their countries. About a year

later, in 1998, General Abubakar attended the 12th Summit of the non-aligned movement

hosted by Nelson Mandela’s South Africa. In that same year, he paid a state visit to the

United Kingdom and held talks with the British Prime Minister, Tony Blair. He also met with

the Commonwealth Secretary-General, Emeka Anyaoku, to discuss the re-admittance of

Nigeria into the Commonwealth of Nations. These activities substantiated the claim of a

foreign policy scholar who described this era as ‘the age of redemption for Nigeria’s foreign

relations’ (S. Akinboye, personal communication, June 14, 2016).

In addition, General Abubakar took a different turn from the policies of his predecessor by

releasing unjustly incarcerated political prisoners such as General Obasanjo (Chibundu,

2004). General Abubakar equally revoked some of the oppressive decrees initiated during the

Abacha regime. The consequences of these actions were immensely positive for Nigeria's

external relations. Nonetheless, it was also expected that the acclaimed winner of the annulled

June 12 presidential elections, Chief M.K.O Abiola would be similarly released. However,

Abiola’s controversial demise after a meeting with some top-level U.S. officials such as the

Under-Secretary of State, Thomas Pickering, marred these expectations. It became apparent

after his sudden death that these meetings were in a bid to persuade Chief Abiola to give up

his claim to validate his June 12, 1993, electoral mandate (Fawole, 2003). Chief Abiola’s

demise was met with wide-scale protests and riots that seemed to be capable of destroying the

transition programme. Nevertheless, the regime handled this complex issue tactfully and

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cautiously, partly thanks to the support of other countries who wanted the success of the

transition programme and resultant return to civilian rule.

Another action of General Abubakar as regards Nigeria’s foreign policy that favoured the

nations’ external relations was his appointment of Ignatius Olisemeka as the Foreign Affairs

Minister. Olisemeka was a seasoned, experienced, and well-respected diplomat who

tremendously aided in correcting the diplomatic ills done by the previous regime on Nigeria’s

foreign relations. This was in the sense that those at the helm of foreign affairs under the

previous regime, notably Tom Ikimi (Abacha’s top diplomat), lacked diplomatic finesse and

operated ‘abusive diplomacy’. This, in turn, resulted in the perpetuation of all manner of

blunders that had negative effects on Nigeria’s external relations. With a wide array of

connections made over the many diplomatic missions he had served abroad, Olisemeka

applied diplomatic expertise and was gradually able to redeem Nigeria’s image and restore

friendly relations with many countries that had hitherto severed diplomatic ties with Nigeria.

Nigeria and Sub-Regional Relations

More so, General Abubakar furthered Nigeria’s involvement in conflict management and

peace-making in the West African sub-region, especially in Sierra Leone. Nigerians troops

comprised the bulk of the ECOMOG force that reinstated the Sierra-Leonean government of

Ahmed Kabbah and attempted to maintain democracy in the country. The importance of the

Nigerian troops was far-reaching to the extent that the Sierra Leonian president appointed a

Nigerian Brigadier-General, Maxwell Khobe, as his Chief of Defence Staff. Notwithstanding,

because of pressing domestic circumstances, such as waning local support for the military

expedition coupled with other economic challenges, General Abubakar sought to withdraw

Nigerian troops from Sierra Leone. This would have provided another avenue for the

deposition of the Kabbah government by the RUF rebels, which would be unacceptable to the

global community. In view of this, a peace accord was negotiated between the government

and the rebel forces, enabling the intervention of the United Nations (United Nations, 2005).

Conclusion

This article has analysed Nigeria’s foreign policy under the military regimes from 1985-1999,

particularly focusing on the distinct pattern of tortuosity reflected in the country’s foreign

policy during this era. One dimension this study made quintessentially glaring was the role of

behavioural patterns in profoundly affecting Nigeria’s foreign policy during the regimes

under study. Here, it addressed the polar roles of General Babangida and others such as Bolaji

Akinyemi and Ike Nwachukwu, in the innovations and misfortunes in foreign policy during

his tenure. It went further to assess General Abacha, Tom Ikimi, among others, and how they

exacerbated Nigeria’s foreign policy, driving the country into pariah status. It then concluded

with an appraisal of the adroitness of General Abubakar, Ignatius Olisemeka, and so on, in

performing the herculean task of reversing the nation’s foreign policy mishaps with

impressive timing. These assessments synergize with David Macdonald Gray’s behavioural

theory of foreign policy, the object of which was to test the applicability of behavioural

analysis to public policy in domestic politics and foreign affairs.

In addition, the study made evident avenues in which foreign policy formulation and

implementation could have been improved in Nigeria. For one, the notion of national interest

required continuous evaluation and articulation, to ensure an effective synchronisation with

domestic realities. In other words, national interests can neither be innate nor rigidly inherited

from past legacies but ought to be truly reflective of local developments. Accordingly, the

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advancement of said interests should form the crux of the country’s foreign policy

formulation and implementation. In this wise, the ‘Santa Claus’ munificent approach that has

come to characterise Nigeria’s foreign policy needs a re-evaluation in order to efficiently

advance her national interests in the international system. Finally, the experiential training of

foreign policymakers in Nigeria must be a continuum, to aid effectiveness in the sector.

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